Chairman Haywood called the convention to order at nine o’clock.
On motion the calling of the roll of delegates was dispensed with.
Secretary Trautmann read the minutes of the previous session, and there being no corrections, the minutes were declared approved as read.
The Secretary read the following telegram from Cleveland, Ohio, and it was ordered placed on file.
Cleveland, Ohio, June 30.
Industrial Union Convention, Brand’s Hall, cor. Clark and Erie streets, Chicago.
Fraternal greetings. May the proceedings of your convention realize the hopes of all class-conscious workingmen.
SOCIALISTISCHE ARBEITER ZEITUNG,
German Organ of Socialist Labor Party.
DEL. SHERMAN, OF THE COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION: I am not prepared to say when we can make a report. We may be engaged during the entire day.
DEL. FRENCH: The members of the Constitution Committee have learned that Comrade Powers, of the S. T. & L. A., had to go to his room sick yesterday afternoon, and has since been unable to leave. I have consulted the S. T. & L. A. delegates as to whom we should put on the Constitution Committee in his place, and I have asked the members of the delegation if Comrade De Leon would not be the best one to put on in Delegate Powers’s place, and they have agreed that he be substituted for Delegate Powers on the Constitution Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: That being the case, Comrade De Leon will be appointed a member of the Constitution Committee.
DEL. MOYER: Mr. Chairman, while I understand that there should be twenty-one members on that committee, we have been unable to muster but thirteen. At the present time the Constitution Committee should be filled, and I have a communication here from delegates to the convention that I should like to have read. The Secretary read the following communication from the International Musicians’ Union, Chicago:
Chicago, June 30, 1905. Committee on Constitution, Industrial Convention
Gentlemen:—While individual delegates, locals representing twenty or thirty members, national organizations with no power to install their bodies in a new industrial organization are seated in your Committee, yet our International Organization, one of the signers of the Manifesto, whose locals all contributed financially to the expense of the Convention, whose representatives are on the floor of the Convention with full power to install their International in the movement, who are the only representatives of one of the great industrial departments, that of the Public Service, has, through a technicality been denied that privilege as an international organization, whose intention is to become a part of the coming Industrial Union, we are particularly interested in the Constitution; as representatives of the Public Service Industry we feel we are more competent to represent our industry, and calling in particular, than others; and while we are amply able to make our objections to your report, if any, on the floor of the Convention, yet we feel that it puts, not alone our International, but the Industrial Movement in a bad light, to debar representatives of a recognized organized International Union a right, on the Constitution that is to govern them, unless perhaps, you have men already on the Committee who feel they understand our calling, and the industry of which we are to become a part, better than those who engaged in it, and who have helped to build up a branch into an international body in face of the most violent opposition of the A. F. of L. If such is the case, we are satisfied, but if not, I ask that our International be given representation on your Committee unofficial if necessary, but with full right to the floor in matters pertaining to our calling and the Industry in which we will be placed.
Fraternally,
W. SHURTLEFF
Gen’l Sec’y, International Union.
(Referred to Convention.)
THE CHAIRMAN: Has the Constitution Committee any recommendation to make in regard to this communication that was handed to them?
DEL. ROWE: I will say on behalf of the Constitution Committee that that communication was presented to our committee and we discussed it for some time, and we felt that we had no authority to increase that committee, as the convention had already provided for the number of that committee, and it was our duty to refer that question back to the convention for consideration. As a member of the committee I feel that the rules should be suspended and this delegate be permitted to sit with the Constitution Committee. I feel that way for this one significant fact: That this brother has probably some ideas about the laws protecting his organization that he wishes incorporated in the constitution. If we do not give him an opportunity of voicing his sentiments before the Constitution Committee, it is probable that when the committee reports to this convention valuable time will be taken up here in discussing something that would probably be disposed of in much less till before the proper committee, and in order to save the time of the convention, which is becoming seriously valuable, I believe that that delegate should be given permission to act with the Constitution Committee.
It was moved and seconded that the International Union of Musicians be permitted to select their representative on the Constitution Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded that the International Union of Musicians select their representative on the Constitution Committee. You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question?
DEL. JORGENSEN: Do I understand that this brother who made the report comes from a bona fide organization with credentials and empowered to act?
DEL. SHERMAN: The Musical Union of Chicago, with 165 members send credentials here with power to install that organization.
DEL. JORGENSEN: I have no doubt in my mind that the Musicians’ Union will select a member of the committee from the body.
THE CHAIRMAN: These in favor of the motion will signify by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. The International Musical Union will select their member of the Constitution Committee. I will say to the Constitution Committee that if thirteen members have been meeting with that committee it has all the delegates that have been selected up to the present time. I think you have a full committee.
DEL. COATES OF THE RESOLUTIONS COMMITTEE: Mr. Chairman and Delegates, the Resolutions Committee is able to report on all resolutions that have been submitted to it. If there is no objection I will read the original resolution and then the substitute.
There being no objection, Del. Coates read Resolution No. 4, heretofore printed, offered by Delegate Klemensic.
DEL. COATES: The Committee on Resolutions offers the following substitute and ask that the convention adopt it:
Resolved, That the first day of May of each year, which day has been selected as the International Labor Day, by the International Congress of Labor, be designated as the Labor Day of this organization, and that the members of this organization be urged to cease all labor on that day and carry out exercises appropriate to such a day for the education of the working class as to their rights and interests on the economic and political fields.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the report of your Committee on Resolutions relative to the first of May as International Labor Day. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. SULLIVAN: I move that the recommendation of the Resolutions Committee be concurred in. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the recommendation of the committee be concurred in.
DEL. JORGENSEN: Since 1881 I have taken more or less interest in organization work. As organized labor we have tried the first of May as a labor holiday. We tried it for years, and we found that it was not successful. In my estimation, as far as this organization is concerned, it would not make any difference what day in the year you have for a labor holiday. Now, if it should be the case that we did not care, let us take advantage of all the good work that has already been done. There is no one here that can deny that a good piece of work has been already done by having established a labor is day in this country, all over the country. That in itself is recognizing the proletariat. We tried the first of May, and we found some difficulties in the way of that day. We found that it was at a period of the year when we were likely to have a wet day. It was a season of the year when we might always expect rain, so that outside gatherings were to a great extent spoiled for that reason. Next came a howl from mechanics all over the country that leases expired on that day, and that was the general moving day and labor was badly needed. As a mechanic in the building line I found that that was the truth. For the last ten or twelve years in Chicago I have been able to obtain double pay on that day. I know I have made as high as $10 and $12 on that day. Now, it may be that the capitalist was helped along just as much, but I don’t care how much the capitalist makes, as long as I make enough. It don’t make any difference how much he makes if I happen to make something too, but I don’t want him to make so much that I shall be starved thereby. I want my share of it. I think it is wiser to adopt the Labor Day that so much time and so much money has been spent to establish all over the country, the first Monday in September. At that month you have delegates here from all over the country, and you will find that that month is the best month in the year for almost any kind of a gathering, whether the delegates will have an outdoor or indoor gathering. It is the best time in the year for good weather and a pleasant time generally all over the country. You cannot find any month in the year when you have the same equal temperature all ever the country that you will find in the month of September. To change the Labor Day would make confusion amongst organized labor. Let us keep organized labor with us in this body as much as we can. Let us raise as few obstacles and make as little change in the way that they are doing business now as we can. The same changes you make here, the same changes are going to be made by organized labor, because, delegates, I believe the time is going to came when organized labor must turn to such a movement as this. I have carried that prayer book, that card (exhibiting his union due book and card), in my pocket since 1881, and I must say that I been enabled to live up to it. Now, what is the use of professing any religion or any creed if we don’t live up to it? Every time there has been an election I have listened to the speakers, and I have found at the conclusion of the speech that if you are going to get anything you must help yourselves a little bit too. If you only listen to what others tell you, and lay down or sit in a chair and plead, you can plead for a long time and get nothing if you don’t try to help yourselves.
(The speaker told an anecdote of a bread man whose wagon tipped over, and while the mail sat down to think over the situation a lot of hogs along the roadside helped themselves to the bread, the man learning from the hogs that the way to get along in this world is to help yourself a little.)
Now, it seems to me it is immaterial to this organization what day we have for a labor holiday, but you have got it so well and so satisfactorily and so perfectly established now by organized labor, that I hope to see that day made one of the features of this organization.
DEL. VEAL: Mr. Chairman and fellow delegates, I stand with the spirit of the resolution. I stand with it because it expresses the aspirations of the Labor Day of the revolutionists of the world. (Applause.) Why am I opposed to the remarks of this delegate on this floor this morning? He said that there is a Labor Day that has been built in the United States by organized labor, and that that gives us something. Let us look into the action of the labor day established under the auspices of the American Federation of Labor. In the mining camps of this country and the large cities on Labor Day you will see hosts of un-class-conscious men follow whom? Follow the capitalist riding in the carriage, the capitalist politicians, the men who are sucking the blood out of tile. (Applause.) And they take them down to the park and look into their faces and tell them how intelligent they are, and at the same time they know they are using them as dupes. In the State of Colorado, Gov. Peabody and the men who drove the miners out of the Cripple Creek district, they too celebrate and uphold this so-called Labor Day, that the capitalist class of America gave to the American Federation of Labor as a boon after they had begged for it. We want to have a Labor Day that is so distinct and so clean-cut that no man who to-day works in the mills and the mines of this country but will recognize the spirit that is there. In the Western Federation Magazine I read a few weeks ago an article which said that out in Utah the members of that organization, the black man, the Italian, the Frenchman, men of every nationality, stopped work on that day, and they marched behind the international colors with that inspiration that the first of May is the true expression of the working class. We care not whether it rains. Admitting the fact that it is a weather proposition front a bourgeois standpoint, and they consult the astronomer or the weather man; why? Because, they are looking after the profits proposition. Put we are consulting this morning the spirit in this as the founders gave it to us. Karl Marx, Engels, and the leaders of the international European workingmen. Attempts have been made to crush that spirit, but time and again on that day balloons have been sent up, and on those balloons the international colors representing the workingman’s holiday have not been suppressed. Why do we want an understanding with the world’s workers? That is what we are here for. We do not want an understanding with the American Federation of Labor. And I deny that it has ever been an expression of the working class or can express their aims and desires, because it is a capitalist organization. Now, then, the point is here: We have got to have a Labor Day that is so far removed from the craft proposition that we will show clearly to our class our solidarity with the sailors on the Black Sea, one of whom refused to eat the food that the ship had given out to those sailors, and the man who refused to eat that was immediately shot. And what was the result? That man was taken into the nearest city, and the proletariat marched out to look at that slave, that wage slave of the Russian empire, and when they did that, instantly the international colors went up, and that gave the workers in other ports inspiration. To-day we want to fly the colors of the Labor Day of the working class so that we can show that we have the spirit, that we have the revolutionary spirit, and that we are not going to fly the colors of a reactionary capitalist organization, as far as the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance is concerned.
DEL. SCHATZKE: The world is never going to be saved by cowards. If any men or women come here who do not express themselves, they are cowards. We came here to lay the foundation for a worldwide movement, and I respect every man or woman who expresses his ideas. Yesterday I met a friend of mine, one of those great labor leader newspapermen. I asked him, “Why don’t you say anything about this convention?” He says, “Well, I will tell you something new.” “Well,” I says, “I am willing to learn.” “Well,” he says, “don’t you know that the capitalist class knows that the greatest intellects of the greatest organizations have come here in this hall to try to establish an organization which will make the tyrants tremble? Therefore we don’t mention anything about it in the papers.” I asked him, “Why do you give attention all the time to the American Federation of Labor?” “Well,” he says, “that is a horse of another color.” I says, “How is that?” He said“ I will tell you why. The policy of the American Federation of Labor is dictated by the capitalist class. Their aim is to try to keep the workingman’s brains like the mule’s, his stomach just full enough to keep his constitution in working order. That is the reason they talk about the great American Federation of Labor.” If the workingman used his brains like a man he would not be so willing to produce capitalist profits for his masters. Four years ago I was on a lecture tour, and stopped at a town on Labor Day, and a great labor fakir was telling the workingman how intelligent he was. And do you know why? It was right before election. But after election they go to the masters and say, “You see those cows? I call them intelligent. How much will you give? They are for sale.” Now, why should the first of May be called Labor Day? I don’t care whether you call it the 1st or the 15th of May, but I want it in this month when the trees commence to bloom and the flowers show their beauties and the earth puts on its brightest colors. That month I want for the proletariat of the world. Let us use the tactics that have been found successful. Do you know why the great warriors never start in September? Because they fear the snow will soon come and they will not be victorious. But if the great sun will shine they can commence in May and their undertaking can be finished before June. Let us adopt May as the workers’ day of the international toilers’ union.
DEL. LUELLA TWINING: I am in favor of the first of May because it will work for the solidarity of labor. When the question of a national holiday was brought up Mark Hanna asked the government not to name the first of May because that is associated with Socialism, and well he knew that Socialism worked for the solidarity of labor, and that labor when united would be a force that would sweep them out of existence. In Denver, Colorado, the Citizens’ Alliance and the labor organizations all march in September. We do not want a capitalist Labor Day. Let us have a labor day of our own. Let us have an international labor day, the first day of May. (Applause.)
DEL. MURTAUGH: Mr. Chairman and delegates, I think that the discussion now going on is indicative of the spirit, and, if you will excuse the expression, the absolute unpracticality of this convention.
DELEGATES: Sit down.
DEL. MURTAUGH: I listened to you; please listen to me. I am a delegate to this convention, and I don’t sit down for anybody, and until the Chairman tells me to sit down I shall refuse to do so till I finish. I want to make this short and sweet. Now, Mr. President, we have been using these words so long, “class-conscious,” “solidarity,” “historical,” and so forth, that they have degenerated into a jargon. As. Brother Debs very clearly stated the other day, we are continually looking for these bugaboos, and we find them where they are not. I say this, that admitting everything that has been said by the other side to be true, there is absolutely nothing to the contention or the mass of sentiment in regard to an international labor holiday. If you are going to impress your ideas and imbue the workers of this country with your ideas, go out where you will meet them on labor day already adopted, because if you succeed in establishing a labor day on the first of May that would be as generally observed as the first Monday in September is, if the capitalist is going to reach the laborer and do all these things to him that you claim have been done, he is going to do it on the first of May just as much as he would do it on the first Monday of September. You have no means of preventing him from doing that, and you are wasting your energies on non-essentials. You are going to be absolutely uncompromising, but let me tell you that when you come to deal with the serious problems that this convention confronts you will find the unpracticability of the people here to deal with those problems. This is sentiment pure and simple. We also hear of graft all around, graft everywhere. I want to say in conclusion that there is an old and trite saying that those who live in glass houses should not throw stones.
Del. McEachren moved the previous question. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous question has been called for. All those in favor signify by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. The motion before the house is that we concur in the recommendation of the committee. All those in favor signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The ayes seem to have it. The motion is carried, and it is so recorded.
DEL. JORGENSEN: There is a whole lot of delegates that did not vote at all. That vote cannot be relied on. Let them raise their hands.
THE CHAIRMAN: All those in favor of the motion will signify it by raising their right hands. Contrary by the same sign. There are four dissenting votes. The resolution and the recommendation of the committee are adopted. The report of, the Committee on Resolutions will be resumed.
DEL. COATES: Resolution No. 14: “Resolved, That this new industrial organization be instituted on July 4th as Independence Day for the wage earners.” The committee recommends that this resolution be laid on the table.
It was moved that the convention concur in the report of the committee.
DEL. WRIGHT: I move that the resolution be laid on the table.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of order. Your committee recommends that this be laid on the table. If you desire to concur or non-concur in the report of your committee, do so.
The motion to concur was seconded, and being put, was carried.
DEL. COATES: Resolution No. 6: “Resolved, That seceding workers and seceding organizations from the A. F. of L. be required to make a public statement of the reasons for their secession, and furthermore that the rank and file of any seceding organization be thoroughly informed by a course of lectures or otherwise of our Manifesto and plan of organization before they be eligible to membership in the industrial union. (Endorsed by the Industrial Workers’ Club of Cincinnati). The report of your committee is that Resolution No. 6 be laid on the table.
DEL. MILLER: I move you that the recommendation of the committee be concurred in. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The recommendation of the committee is that the resolution be laid on the table. It has been regularly moved and seconded that the recommendation of the committee be concurred in.
DEL. EISENBERG: I want to ask the committee why that resolution should be laid on the table. Isn’t it true that we must educate the working class? And if they do secede from the A. F. of L. this body should know why. We discussed that resolution at Cincinnati, and we came to this conclusion. Isn’t that a great propaganda to show the workers of the A. F. of L why they are seceding from them? I am surprised at the committee recommending laying that resolution on the table. Are we afraid of those things or what? We must show up the fakirs of the A. F. of L. If the A. F. of L. is all right, if you are only breaking away from them because you want a different organization with a new president, let us know that. If the underlying principle of the organization is rotten, if there is corruption there that everybody should see, why should not those seceding organizations have that explained to the world? I hope the convention will not lay this on the table.
DEL. FITZGERALD: As a member of the Resolution Committee, I wish to say that there are several points to come out in that resolution. If I thoroughly understand the call for this convention and the position of the majority of the delegates present, we do not recognize any labor organization that is now in existence, and we do not want to have it said that we are seceding, if such may be the case. The reason for this resolution being tabled is this: that no body, whether it be a local, national or international body, that is educated enough to grasp the meaning of this convention or this organization, will be seceding. We do not want to go on record as such. Therefore your committee, after a heated discussion between the several members, has decided that that resolution is not in order in this convention, and that is why the recommendation was submitted to this delegation. (Applause.)
DEL. TRAUTMANN: In addition to the arguments against the proposition or report of the committee, I wish to say this: that the intent of the Industrial Workers’ Club of Cincinnati in presenting this resolution was to avoid the secession of the disgruntled elements, discouraged on account of some industrial conditions, perhaps, without knowing the underlying principles of the industrial union movement, and avoid bringing an organization into the industrial union movement without the rank and file knowing the difference between the A. F. of L. and the true labor organization that was to be formed in Chicago, and before we should ever proceed to take in old organizations on account of some disgruntled element we wished the world to know the reason why they withdrew from the organization with which they were formerly connected. It is not to create secession; it is to prevent secession from the organization when the rank and file is not ripe to become a part of a labor organization of this kind. If the organizations draw out, as we had an instance, because of dissatisfaction with the management, and the members were not educated in the principles of this industrial movement, they would not be desired, because the same system of corruption would have full sway even though they joined this new industrial union movement. If they withdrew because the rank and file are ripe to become a part of this organization, they should so express themselves through a resolution showing that they are ripe. Then when they are ripe we will have averted conflicts of jurisdiction and they will be the right kind of men, for the simple reason that a man who is imbued with the principles of this organization will never scab while in other organizations. For these reasons, and to have all these points brought out before the working class when an organization is dissatisfied, in order that they may know that they have just reasons for dissatisfaction with the management and methods of the old labor organizations, and with the object of having a body of men ripe to become a part of this organization, this resolution was presented, and I hope the recommendation of the committee will not prevail.
DEL. COATES: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates: The Committee on Resolutions, without a single exception, I believe, were in harmony with the spirit or sentiment of this resolution; there isn’t any question about that. They only recommended that it be laid on the table because they do not believe that this convention ought to go on record at this time as demanding the things that are in this resolution; that is, making them obligatory upon these organizations. There are three points, I believe, in the resolution that we discussed, and I will try to lay them before this convention. In the first place, this resolution brands practically every organization that leaves another and comes into this one as secessionists. Now, we do not propose to have that brand put upon any men and women who are brave enough to leave some old movement and come into the new movement. (Applause). That is exactly the brand the other fellow will put on them, and we did not believe it was our duty to aid him in branding them as such. They are not secessionists. It further requires that every organization leaving or seceding from the American Federation of Labor shall make a public statement of the reasons for their secession. Well, now, the committee thought that if the organizations seceding or leaving the A. F. of L. desired to make a public statement that was a matter for the local organization to decide. The mere fact that we do not adopt this resolution does not prevent any organization from showing up the fakirs as the brother who has introduced this resolution so persistently thinks that we ought to show them up. If the local organization has a good reason, a reason they believe ought to go to the public in the interest of the labor movement, they certainly have that right. (Applause). But we ought not to require them if they do not desire to make that kind of a public statement. The fact that we lay this resolution on the table does not prevent them or take away that right from any local organization. The next proposition is that before we receive them into this organization they must be thoroughly informed or instructed in a course of lectures or otherwise as to the principles of this organization. I want to say, brothers, that personally as a member of that committee, I believe that that would require within the next three months, or six months at the most, three or four thousand lecturers travelling from one end of the country to the other trying to instruct organizations that are coming with us, when perhaps the rank and file of those organizations know as well the reason why they are coming into this movement as industrial unionists as do the lecturers that would go there to deliver the course and take up their time. (Applause). Whenever the organization decide to sever their relations with the old movement and come into the new, I want to say that there is a spirit there or there is an intelligence there that believes in the principles of the industrial movement, and they are not leaving the old one simply because of some little petty reason or some little petty abuse on the part of the officers, either national or international. They are coming into this new movement because they believe it is right, because they have the spirit of revolt, because they have the spirit of the new organization and the emancipation of the wage earners behind them, and I want to grasp the hands of that man and that woman just as speedily as possible, and I want them to get into the rank and file of this organization before perhaps it is necessary for us to send a man from some other part of the country to give them a course of lectures. The very conditions of to-day are fitting them for the industrial movement, and just as soon as they come into a position where they want to come to us, let us stretch out the hand of helpfulness and brotherhood and take them in. I think that was the entire reason of the committee, and the committee deemed it sufficient to recommend that this resolution be laid on the table.
DEL. KNIGHT: Brother Chairman and Brother Delegates, I believe that that resolution belongs properly to the administration of the new organization, the spirit of that resolution; that is where it belongs. I think this, that if we adopt such a resolution as that—not that I am not thoroughly in accord with the spirit of it, as I said the other day that education should be the basis of this organization—but we will make the thing so clumsy that we will be unable to handle it, like the old ox cart whose wheels were hewed out of a log. I want to say this, and I think, if my motion would be in order, that the proper thing to do with that is to refer that resolution to the Constitution Committee, and they may get suggestions out of that in considering the portion of the constitution which deals with administration that will be helpful to them. If my motion is in order, I move as a substitute that that resolution be referred to the Constitution Committee. I think that is where it properly belongs. I think that if we form this organization right and we have an officership that is thoroughly in spirit with this, that they will take care of that. We are a representative body. We may not be as democratic as they used to be in the olden times in the town halls when the colonists personally met and directed affairs. Therefore, I think my motion would be perfectly in order, and I move as a substitute that that resolution be referred to the Constitution Committee. (Seconded.)
DEL. DE LEON: Was that motion seconded?
THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute is seconded.
DEL. DE LEON: I move you that this resolution be referred back to the Committee on Resolutions. The Chairman of the committee made very clear to me that the resolution as presented to them was in crude condition, but he did not make clear to me why they should not have done with that resolution what they did with the other one, the first one, rewrite it, remove the crudeness and present it in an acceptable manner. The resolution has two parts; one of them is utterly impracticable, this matter of the educational course in advance. I do not wish to be severe on the gentleman who introduced it, but if you will indulge me I will say it is childish. The first part as to demanding of them a statement has a correct thought, but as the chairman of the committee very well expresses it, it should not be made mandatory; it should not be required, but they should be requested; it is desirable that such a statement be made ; and I consider that if that resolution is referred back, and if the committee will do with that resolution what it did with the other one; chew it over and present it in a new garb, leaving out what is impracticable and putting in what is good, we will have something that is worth putting in among our resolutions. The chairman of the committee very correctly stated that we do not want to seem to be a band of secessionists, but I tell you that if an organization which is in existence states why it joins us it does not need to say why it “secedes.” If you want to split hairs upon that, or if one want to, we cannot prevent him. But unless an organization in existence states why it changes its status and joins us, the doors are open for making this new organization a cave of Adulam, a gathering place for soreheads, who, because a man or woman does a thing that does not suit them in another organization, can get out and, like, chickens, go roosting with some one else. It is desirable that if a body in existence finds that its place is here, it make a public statement of why it decided to change its status. The case has been well stated by the Cincinnati organization, and the idea should be to sift out of that resolution the good points. The individual members in these constituent organizations have not had the opportunity and the parliamentary experience of the chairman of the Resolutions Committee, and they presented the matter in a crude form. It is for the chairman of the committee and for that committee in general to polish it up and leave out what is not desirable and save what is good. For that reason I move you that this resolution be referred back to the Committee on Resolutions.
DEL. SIMONS: I second that motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the resolution be referred back to the Committee on Resolutions. Are you ready for the question?
DEL. SIMONS: I wish to speak on that point. I want it referred back to the Committee on Resolutions, because I think every one here agrees that there are some things that we want to see embodied here. We are all practically agreed on the fact that every possible effort should be made to make clear and plain to the entire membership of this organization its purposes, aims and methods. and that it should be not simply a class struggle organization, but a class conscious struggling organization. (Applause). At the same time I feel that we are going to make a great mistake if the spirit goes out from that resolution and from this convention that the main reason for the existence of this organization is to hunt around like sleuths and then constitute ourselves into a mere organization of brickbat throwers to hit particular scoundrels that float on the scum of a defunct labor movement. It seems to me that we have something else that is better to do. And in the second place, I believe that we ought to understand that men are coming into this organization, if it grows, who are not going to understand, when they come in, why they come. They are going to come from class antagonism. They are going to come in because the class struggle is a fact born of industrial conditions, not an idea hatched in the brain of theorists; and when those men come into this body I believe we ought to stand there and welcome them into it; not stand there with an examination question; not stand there with some intellectual would-be what-not ready to deliver to that man who is fighting at the front a fine-spun lecture on the theories that are to lead to his ultimate emancipation; but we ought to stand there at the door of this organization with open hands, and say to that man whose hand is against the master, “Our hearts are with you in your fight.” (Applause). I have more faith in the rank and file of the working class of America, blind as they may be, mistakes though they have made, than I have in all the intellectuals and all, the lecturers and all the soap box orators—and I have been one of them for years and expect to be—I have more faith in the rank and file and the spirit of revolt that springs out of the work shop than I have, I say, in all the theorists and would-be teachers of the working class of America. (Applause). And I think that sometimes we who pride ourselves on our ability to teach, should go back to the masses and learn. (Applause). And I want to say that the thing that brought me into this organization as an individual, and I believe it will move others, was that I saw within the working class of America a tremendous revolt against the capitalist class, a revolt that was absolutely unable to express itself in the old trade union organizations; and it is because that revolt exists that this organization is going to be a success, and not because of any beautiful sentences that I and others may utter in the literature that we send out or the lectures that we make. If we found ourselves on the recognition of that fact, then we will be founded on the class struggle, and on no other condition can it be, and I hope that that spirit and that point of view may be embodied in this resolution. I support the motion that has just been made. (Applause.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that the resolution be referred back to the Committee on Resolutions. Are you ready for the question ?
DEL. COATES: I just want to say another word against the motion to refer. I do not believe, fellow delegates, that it is necessary to take any action on this resolution. I believe we are simply wasting the time of this convention to refer it and bring it back for further discussion in this convention. I do not believe that there is a single, solitary delegate on this floor who has discussed it that can see anything in this resolution except a purely administrative function when this new organization attempts to band itself with this movement. As Delegate Knight clearly pointed out, that is all there is in the resolution. That is all that the Resolution Committee can get out of it. Now, any one who has ever had any experience in the labor movement knows that an organization that desires to become attached to a body sends individual delegates. They give their reasons why they wish to do so. They give their membership. They give their class or craft or trade. They give innumerable other details of their organization. The executive committee that grants the charter investigates. Every labor organization does that. That is a part of the administrative work of the organization. Now, they are going to do that here. That is all we can ask them to do. Then why send it back to a committee that has been over it and have them spend further time with it and bring it back here with another discussion of this, that or the other feature and waste the time of the convention? I think we should leave that to be outlined in the constitution, and then if it is not outlined in the constitution there is a modus operandi that the committee will have to go through in order to bring this new body or that old body into this organization.
Question called for.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that the resolution be referred back to the Resolution Committee. All in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary, no.
DEL. COATES: Division.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair is in doubt. Those in favor of referring this resolution to the Resolution Committee will raise their right hands. The Secretary will count. Contrary, raise your hands. The motion to refer is lost. The question is the original motion to concur in the report of the Resolution Committee, which is to lay the resolution on the table. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried, and it is so ordered.
THE CHAIRMAN: There was one of the delegates yesterday that asked for some information. This is for the benefit of Delegate Rowe if he is here. There are seventy delegates here with power to install, representing 51,430 members. There are seventy-two delegates here representing other unions aggregating 91,500 members. There are sixty-one individual delegates. A total aggregation of 142,995. (Applause.)
DEL. SCHATZKE: A point of information. I would like to ask, will the congress meet to-morrow? Will the congress meet Sunday?
THE CHAIRMAN: That is a question that will probably be decided later.
DEL. SCHATZKE: I ask that, because if not I would like to make a proposition.
THE CHAIRMAN: Just wait till we have the report of the Resolution Committee.
DEL. COATES: Resolution No. 10, by Delegate E. Bosky:
“Whereas, A knowledge of economic laws is not apparent in this convention; and
“Whereas, The construction of a new constitution for a new economic movement depends on the quality of the constructive material used for the purpose;
“Resolved, That this convention decide upon a time when a discussion on this subject is to take place.”
The Committee on Resolutions recommend that this resolution be laid on the table. (Seconded). Mr. Chairman, just to save time, I will say that the committee simply thinks that it means taking up another day or two days’ time of the convention without any apparent result.
The resolution to lay on the table was then put and carried.
DEL. COATES: That is the end of the report.
THE CHAIRMAN: Committee on Ways and Means. Has the Committee on Ways and Means any report to make?
DEL. MCKINNON: The Secretary of the Ways and Means Committee has handed his report in to the Secretary of the organization.
DEL. HELD: The Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee has asked me to read this report:
“Inasmuch as the convention has expressed its desire to have a stenographic report of this convention; and inasmuch as funds must be provided to pay the temporary expenses and to launch this organization, we, the Ways and Means Committee, find by actual computation that an assessment of five cents per member of the entire membership of this new organization will bring at once, if acted upon, $2,500 or near about; a sum amply sufficient to cover all necessary expenses such as a stenographic report and temporary expenses. In view of this, we, your Committee on Ways and Means, fraternally submit the following report: We recommend an assessment of five cents per member of the full membership to cover the temporary expenses of the convention; first, to secure a stenographic report; second, to launch the new organization.”
THE CHAIRMAN: You have the report of your Committee on Ways and Means. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: I move you that this report be referred back to the Committee on Ways and Means with instructions to make an assessment of one dollar instead of five cents. Perhaps a better way would be to amend the report submitted by the committee, and I would make my motion in the nature of an amendment to the report, that the amount of the assessment be one dollar instead of five cents. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the report of the committee be amended by making the assessment one dollar instead of five cents. You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question?
DEL. ROWE: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates: As a member of that committee, I want to say that your Committee on Ways and Means consulted the Secretary of this convention as to the already existing indebtedness of the same and the probabilities as to what it would amount to. It is already $160, with a probability of reaching $200. We took into consideration your expression in favor of a stenographic report, which it has been stated here would cost $600. We have asked the Secretary to make an estimate upon a membership of 50,000. You have already heard from the Chairman this morning that there are delegates here that represent 142,ooo members. Your Committee on Ways and Means, while we have had the assurance of one of these organizations ready to merge its membership into this new organization, that they would pay $300 of the $600 necessary for the stenographic report, yet the wisdom of that committee was this: that every man and every woman who became members of this organization, we were satisfied, would desire to have his or her equal share of the burden of the expense of the convention and stenographic report, and consequently we made the assessment five cents on 50,000 members, which would make $2,500; $600 probably covering the stenographic report and $200 for the temporary expenses of the convention and leaving $1,700 in the treasury of the new organization. Now we bring this report to you for your acceptance or rejection. Some have said to me this morning that the Committee on Constitution would make provision for a per capita tax. We have got nothing to do with that. I consulted the chairman of this committee, and we decided to provide in this way for the temporary organization and expenses. I admire the spirit that would make the assessment a dollar, but we took into consideration that the probabilities are that by that assessment you will have $200,000, and this committee I do not believe has power to make that assessment without the assurance of the representatives of these organizations who will compose the larger share of the membership of the new organization, and for that reason I sought this floor as a member of that committee, knowing that once before a proposed assessment of $4 from the Ways and Means Committee had been referred back. You can see that a small assessment of five cents per capita would cover the expense of the convention and stenographic report and leave $1,700 in your treasury; and then let the report of the Constitution Committee come in with the per capita tax and initiation fee to provide funds for the further carrying on of the business and work of the new industrial organization.
DEL. SCHATZKE: I would say that we should not wait for a per capita tax. This money is needed right now. I believe we should raise this money and that the committee have no right to levy an assessment for the future.
DEL. DE LEON: I regret that Brother Smith amended his motion. I regret it all the more because I may be misunderstood when I oppose his second motion, namely to assess the membership one dollar. I regret that he did not stick to his original motion to refer this matter, because I think that in that way the matter can be presented more clearly. I am in favor of assessing the membership of this new organization one dollar per capita. I believe this organization, when started, will need all of that fund for its administrative and agitational and organizing work; but it is for that very reason that I do not like to see this motion as it stands, where the dollar is to cover not only the organizing expenses and the other debts of this convention, but also the stenographic report. Now, all of you who have had any experience in the matter of collecting taxes—and this is a tax—know that it takes time and money to collect that tax. Brother Sherman, when he discussed the stenographic report on the floor, correctly stated—partly correctly—that as the matter stood this stenographic report would be a matter of history when it came to be published, and in that case $600 would not be too little. It would be, in my opinion, $600 too much. Any amount of money, however small, spent for the stenographic report, if that report would have to wait six, eight, ten or twelve months to be issued, will be too large, in my opinion. It would be substantially wasted, and that is something that I hope we will be able to avoid. When this body goes into existence the General Executive Board, the general administrative officers, will have their hands full; their hands full collecting the funds necessary to carry on the organization; their hands full to collect funds for the purpose of organizing; and I do not believe that one dollar apiece for the membership will be enough to meet those expenditures, and the result of it will be that the stenographic report will have to go by the board. I repeat it here, $600, and I do not agree with Delegate Coates who said it will cost five thousand or anything like that. I said $600 after consultation with the stenographer. The $600 is not so large a sum, but it is $600 too much if we are not going to have it within a month or so, and the benefits will be absolutely lost, and the result will be that the proposition of Delegate Smith would be either a dead letter or will be a waste of time and money. Now, taking the sense of the house from the various discussions that have preceded upon this subject, I would ask leave of the house to withdraw the proposition made by the Daily People through the delegation of the S. T. & L. A.—to withdraw that proposition so that this convention as an official body shall have no liability whatever; because if this convention is to have any liability it is clear to me that that report never will be had. The stenographer is not going to get out his transcript if he has not got some assurance of cash payment when he makes it. It will be a number of months before the convention will be prepared for that purpose. If this convention allows me to withdraw that proposition we shall then proceed to publish a stenographic report and gather the funds in the same manner that we have gathered them so far, by voluntary contributions, which are being acknowledged in The People. I consulted Brother Haggerty, of the Butte Smeltermen’s Union, and he expressed his willingness to receive whatever voluntary contributions any delegates should choose to give toward publishing this stenographic report as soon as this convention adjourns. If you give him voluntary contributions you will give the names of the contributors, and their names will be acknowledged in the Daily People, and according to the assurance of the stenographer within twenty or thirty days we can begin it. I hope I am understood. In view of this, I move you as an amendment that one dollar assessment be levied upon every member of this organization towards paying the expenses of the necessary work of the officers when the new organization is launched, meaning thereby also the expenses which have been incurred for this convention and the general expense of the convention, and that the matter of the stenographic report be excluded and left where it was before this convention met. Is that understood?
THE CHAIRMAN: I believe I get the purport of the motion. It is rather lengthy. Do I hear a second to that motion?
DEL. MCEACHREN: I second the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade De Leon, will you kindly reduce your motion to writing? I think I can state it, however.
DEL. DE LEON: Yes.
THE CHAIRMAN: For the benefit of the Secretary I would like to have it reduced to writing. The motion is that there be an assessment of one dollar levied to carry on the work of this organization when launched, and that the matter of the stenographic report be not considered at this time. Is that the motion?
DEL. DE LEON: No, I want to leave the expense of the stenographic report out altogether.
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, that the matter of the stenographic report be left out altogether. Brother Hall has the floor.
DEL. HALL: It occurs to me that the discussion of this report of the committee and also the motions that have been predicated upon it are entirely out of order, for the reason that this body has no power to assess the membership that they represent. There is a time set aside when all individuals and organizations will be initiated into this new movement, but it is set for a time after the report of the Constitutional Committee. Last January a little handful of men met in Chicago for the purpose of launching this movement. There were less than thirty. We realized that there was an expense devolving upon us amounting almost to $200. We had no organization to assess. We had nothing but our own selves to rely upon. The Executive Committee, five members appointed by that conference to look after this matter of finance, was simply instructed to get the money without involving the conference. This committee did it. This stenographic report is a document that is to be used for the propagation of this movement from a world-wide standpoint. If there is a demand for this document we will not require an assessment of the membership to meet it. If there is no demand for it, it would be a crime to assess our membership. Now, there has already been provision made, if I understand, for the shorthand notes of this convention to be taken. Now, I would favor the creation of a committee from this convention who will have in their charge the handling of these notes, and if they can see their way clear without an assessment of the membership to have them printed and scattered broadcast over the world I am in favor of that. But I believe the world should pay for it. If the world wants it, if the membership want it after our organization has been effected, then make it. I think the motion is entirely out of order. I think the report of the committee is out of place, because we have no power to vote an assessment upon our membership until after we have installed them into this new organization, and then only through regular channels, That is why I oppose every motion that has been predicated upon the report of the committee, and would offer a substitute if I am in order.
THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute will be recognized.
DEL. HALL (continuing) That a committee of five be appointed by the chair, whose duty it will be, not to make a report to this convention, but whose duty it will be to handle this proposition until the next convention of this organization.
DEL. DE LEON: What proposition?
DEL. HALL: I do not believe that we should be burdened with anything of that kind now.
DEL. DE LEON: What proposition?
DEL. HALL: I have stood in opposition to it always, and see no necessity for it. There is much in this report that the world will not want, and it is only a matter of file for the general offices, and it can lie on file in its present state as well as though it was printed and bound in vellum. Therefore I move you that a committee of five be appointed to look after this matter, with positive instructions that they must not bring any report which considers an assessment of the membership of this organization. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair feels that such a motion would be out of order. If this new organization is launched, the business of the organization must of necessity be conducted by the administration of the organization which will be launched. If the chair may be permitted, it occurs to me that a substitute to defer action on this until the report of the Constitution Committee, would just about have covered the matter.
DEL. DE LEON: I accept such a substitute.
DEL. SCHATZKE: May I have a word to say about this?
THE CHAIRMAN: You have already spoken on this proposition, Brother Schatzke.
DEL. HALL: I think that it is due me and due the convention, that since you have ruled my motion out of order—
THE CHAIRMAN: Just as a matter of personal privilege.
DEL. HALL (continuing): —to restate this proposition and make this matter clear.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is just a matter of privilege; not to make a motion.
DEL. HALL: No, not to make a motion. But I believe the chair is wrong, if he will think over his ruling, because this is a matter that belongs to the convention and not to the organization.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have a right to appeal from the decision of the chair if it is wrong.
DEL. HALL: No, I don’t want to do that, but I just want to call attention to that as the reason; I just want to explain that as my reason for making this motion, that this document does not properly belong to the organization; it belongs to the convention and is in the hands of the delegation of the S. T. & L. A., where it will remain.
THE CHAIRMAN: Brother Hall, permit the chair to explain to you that the document, is not under discussion; that the amendment entirely disconnects the stenographic report from the proposition of levying an assessment, and plainly states that it shall not be considered. Delegate McDonald has the floor to speak on the amendment to the amendment, which is to levy an assessment of one dollar.
DEL. DE LEON: It is not an amendment to the amendment. It is an amendment to the motion. The delegate wished to make a motion to refer, but he immediately withdrew that.
THE CHAIRMAN: Permit the chair to explain the position of the report of your committee at this time. A motion was made to concur in the report of the committee.
DEL. DE LEON: Yes.
THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Smith amended that motion by making the assessment one dollar instead of five cents. Delegate De Leon amended the amendment by setting aside the stenographic report entirely, and levying the assessment if launched. Is that correct?
DEL. DE LEON: Yes.
DEL. DANIEL MCDONALD: I desire to say that I am not in favor of the report of the committee at this time, neither am I in favor of the amendment to the report, neither am I in favor of the amendment to the amendment. But I propose to make a motion without any argument, for I think that the people here understand the proposition sufficiently well without any argument. I move you, Mr. Chairman, as a motion,—it is a motion—to refer or defer action on this proposition until after the Constitution Committee has reported. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: A motion has been made to defer action until the Constitution Committee has reported. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for).
DEL. WALKER: I am one of those delegates that are simply here for information, sent by our District Council in conjunction with other delegates sent by the district convention to this convention for the same purpose. There are, notwithstanding the statements made on the floor of this convention, a good many members of our organization who are just as interested in this movement and will go just as far and do just as much to see a success made of it as any representative of any other organization that is at this convention to-day. Mr. Chairman, we want to be honest with you and let you know just what our position is, and then treat us as you think best. Now, in deferring action on this proposition until after the Constitution Committee has reported, I expect possibly you will have in mind then another proposition under discussion to be handled by the representatives of the different organizations who are here to make a permanent organization of this institution. Now, there is one thing that I want to make clear, and that is this, that the only way that it will be possible to get the members of the rank and file of our organization to that place where they will make the fight necessary to have our organizations brought in line with this movement, the only thing that you can do is to educate them as to what this movement means. Now, there are a great many things said that I do not agree with, but there are a great many things that have been said that I would like to see our organization in a position to get them and read them and thoroughly understand them, and I think you will find that they will take occasion to prove that they as well as the workers of every other organization are with the workers of the world in trying to emancipate themselves. I would like to see every statement that has been made here—the stenographer I understand has taken them—I would like to see them both transcribed and printed, and printed in such shape that we will be able to furnish every member of all the organizations with a copy of them. I think that if you will do that, it will have more to do with the effect desired of bringing our membership to the place we want them than millions of dollars spent in explaining the nature of the movement in order to reach the individuals. We are willing—at least I am willing as a representative of the sub-district—to pledge ourselves to pay any reasonable amount to justify ourselves in having a stenographic report of this convention made, transcribed and printed, but in such a shape that we will be in a position to be able to get it when we want it and be in the hands of every member of our organization. I believe the delegates that are here, regardless of whether they are going to affiliate immediately, with power to become a part of the organization, or whether they are here representing organizations for information, or whether they are here as individuals representing themselves, should bear the expense of getting this complete report, and then take that report and make use of it as propaganda in this movement. That is what I would like to see done. That is what I am prepared to commit our organization to pay their share of the expense in getting done, and that is what I would like to see done.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to defer action on this report until the Constitution Committee has reported. (Question called for.)
DEL. SHERMAN: Mr. Chairman and Delegates: I am in favor of the motion to refer this whole question as last made. I am one of those delegates who are here with full power to install the organization that I represent into the new organization that is to be born in this convention. But I do not say that I am here with authority to place a load upon the membership of the organization that I represent. I believe that the cart is before the horse when we begin to talk about taxation upon the possibility of that which we are in hopes will be a part of this organization. Every child that is born into this world is born with a debt over his head that he never can pay off; and for God’s sake, let us not create a debt with this organization without the rank and file that has got to liquidate this debt has got something to say whether they are willing to take that contract or not. It is very easy for us to resolute here a taxation upon the rank and file that is in the factory and in the field and in the mine, toiling from day to day, but it is not easy for them to get meat and bread and pay for it and liquidate the debts that we will contract here. Hence I am opposed to any assessment that is going to load down financially the workers of this country. That is supposed to be the intention of this assessment.
THE CHAIRMAN: Brother Sherman, permit the chair to say that you are not talking to the question. This is simply a matter of deferring action on this report until such time as the Constitution Committee has reported.
DEL. SHERMAN: I believe the brother that made the motion had a reason for deferring it, and that the, original motion proposed to contract a debt for something that has not been created yet. We have not got an organization. But I hold that the delegates in this convention, if they individually wish to pledge from their individual purses a certain sum of money, they have a right to do so, because they agree to do it at this specific time; but they have no right to contract any debt for any people or person that they represent here. Consequently I am in favor of the last motion.
Question called for.
THE CHAIRMAN: All those in favor of deferring action on this report until such time as the Constitution Committee shall have reported, will signify by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on Literature and Press.
DEL. BRIMBLE: The first recommendation of this committee is that this organization shall have an official organ, to be published weekly. It was the sense of the Committee on Literature and Press that the official organ be sent to the entire membership, arrangements to be made for so doing. At 1.45 P. M. yesterday we met and considered the resolution No. 11, presented to the convention by Brother J. J. O’Brien. It was moved and seconded that we concur in the resolution, but that at present we see no way of carrying it out. The motion was carried. It was also suggested by the committee that Simons and O’Neil prepare an address to the workers on industrial unionism; that Smith and Kiemensic prepare a leaflet on the political aspect of the union; and that Brimble and Mrs. Forberg prepare an indictment of the new trades unionism against the old.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on Literature and Press will report progress.
THE CHAIRMAN: Committee on Organization.
DEL. DANIEL MCDONALD: The recommendation of the committee is that the matter of Resolution No. 7, which pertains to organization on industrial lines with absolute home rule in the State, etc., introduced by Brother Fairgrieve, of Montana, be referred to the Committee on Constitution. That is all that the committee has to report this morning.
DEL. WHITE: I move to concur in the report of the committee. (Seconded.)
The motion was put and carried.
Announcement was made that the Committee on Label and Emblem had no report to make, but would meet on adjournment of the present session.
Secretary Trautmann read the following resolution:
RESOLUTION No. 16.
Whereas, There is already established an international bureau of those industrial unions which are based upon the class struggle, with the headquarters at Berlin; therefore, be it
Resolved, That this new organization enter into immediate relations therewith.
(Submitted by W. E. Trautmann, Thos. J. Hagerty and Daniel De Leon.)
The Secretary read the following resolution, submitted by Delegate Chas. Kiehn, representing the Longshoremen’s Union of Hoboken, N. J., in regard to the struggle of the people in Russia:
Whereas, There is in progress at the present time a mighty struggle of the laboring class of far-off Russia against unbearable outrage, oppression and cruelty and for more humane conditions for the working class of that country; and
Whereas, The outcome of that struggle is of the utmost consequence to the members of the working class of all countries in their struggle for their emancipation; and
Whereas, This convention is assembled for the purpose of organizing the working class of America into an organization that will enable them to shake off the yoke of capitalist oppression; now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That we, the industrial unionists of America in convention assembled, urge our Russian fellow-workmen on in their struggle, and express our heartfelt sympathy with the victims of outrage, oppression and cruelty, and pledge our moral support and promise financial assistance as much as lies within our power to our persecuted, struggling and suffering comrades in far-off Russia.
(By Chas. Kiehn, Longshoremen’s Union, Hoboken, N. J.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The resolution with reference to establishing an international bureau of industrial unions will be referred to the Committee on Organization. The resolution just read, in regard to the situation in Russia, will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions.
The following resolution, submitted by Delegate Chas. Kiehn, of Hoboken, N. J., was read by the Secretary:
Whereas, The industrial union movement has for its object the uniting of the working class of the world into one large and powerful international organization, and for that purpose it is necessary to at first create mutual relations with the labor organizations of other countries ; therefore, be it
Resolved, That the incoming General Executive Board be instructed to get in immediate communication with the international secretaries of the trades and labor unions located in Berlin, Germany, S.O. 16, Engel-Ufer 15, immediately after the close of this convention, for the purpose of starting such mutual relations as are necessary.
THE CHAIRMAN: The resolution will be referred to the Committee on Organization.
The Secretary read the following resolution, offered by Delegate Chas. Kiehn, of Hoboken, N. J.:
Whereas, For the purpose of unifying and strengthening the new organization it is necessary to have a uniform system of dues and tax collection; therefore, be it
Resolved, That for the purpose of collecting dues and general assessments stamps be issued by the general organization through its duly elected officers ; that the stamp be put upon the books as a per capita tax; that the same stamp be issued by the various departments to the members thereof, and the proceeds be used for the creation of a general fund.
THE CHAIRMAN: That will be referred to the Committee on Constitution. Are there any other resolutions?
Resolution offered by Joseph Corna and A. Klemensic:
In view of the fact that the present form of capitalism is increasing organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism to predominate in this republic ; be it
Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional rights and privileges in the struggle between capital and labor. Be it further
Resolved, That any members accepting salaried positions to defend capitalism, directly or indirectly, should be denied the privilege of membership in this organization.
THE CHAIRMAN: The resolution will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions Are there any other resolutions? New business.
DELEGATE T. J. HAGERTY: Under the head of new business should come, I think, the resolution offered here calling for the appointment of a committee to make arrangements for a ratification meeting to be held not later than July 7th, so that the representatives of the various organizations here might publicly express their adherence to this new organization, and that to the public at large might be given an expression of the attitude of the men who stand for this economic organization. If that is to be done it must be done soon, for many of the members will be unable to remain any longer than July 7th. I think the arrangements for such a meeting rightly come under the head of new business.
THE CHAIRMAN: The resolution alluded to was referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and they have not reported. Is there any further new business?
DEL. COATES: It does not seem that there is any other business coming before the convention, and as it is highly important that we let the Constitution Committee go back to work, I move you that we now adjourn until nine o’clock Monday morning. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that this convention now stand adjourned until nine o’clock Monday morning. Are you ready for the question?
DEL. RICHTER: A point of information. As the Constitution Committee is not able to state when it will be able to report to this convention on the constitution, I would like to ask if it is not in a position to make a report upon the preamble or declaration of principles. That will lay the basis or express the basis for this new organization, and its adoption will react upon the other parts of the constitution. I would ask, if it is not in a position to report at present, why not?
THE CHAIRMAN: The brother asks if the Constitution Committee has prepared the preamble or declaration of principles. Will the chairman or some member of the committee answer?
DEL. MEYER: The sub-committee appointed by the Committee on Constitution has not as yet completed its work on the preamble. When they will complete the preamble can best be answered by Brother Sullivan, of the Committee on Preamble, the sub-committee from the Constitution Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: Will Brother Sullivan state whether or not the sub-committee is ready to report on the Preamble?
DEL. SULLIVAN: We are not ready to report at this time. We have part of the work done, but not a sufficient amount to be submitted to this convention for their consideration.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Constitution Committee state that they are not ready to report. The motion is to adjourn until nine o’clock Monday morning morning.
Del. Klemensic made an announcement in regard to delegates visiting the graves of the Chicago martyrs in Waldheim Cemetery.
A motion was made and seconded to amend the motion to adjourn by making it nine o’clock to-morrow (Sunday instead of Monday morning.
THE CHAIRMAN: Just a moment. Are there any other announcements?
A number of announcements were made in regard to meetings of the various committees.
DEL. ROWE: A point of information. Delegate Hagerty made an inquiry in regard to a mass meeting not later than the 7th of the present month to ratify the work of this convention. That resolution he informed the delegates is in the hands of the Ways and Means Committee, and the point of information I rise to ask about is, after hearing several discussions as to our power to levy any assessment, have we got any different way of providing ways and means for that meeting? As a member of the Ways and Means Committee I ask for that information.
DEL. M. P. HAGGERTY: I wish to speak on the amendment relative to having a Sunday session, when the time comes.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion to adjourn is not debatable. The question as to the time may be discussed.
DEL. M. P. HAGGERTY: I am opposed to Sunday sessions. I care not how you recognize Sunday, whether you go to church or stay away, but there is one thing we should do here, and that is recognize Sunday as a day of rest. And I see no good in meeting on Sunday, when we can adjourn on Thursday or adjourn on Friday. Now let us observe Sunday as a day of rest at least. We are not in such a great hurry that we need to take Sunday for labor. We should have that one day in the week. We should certainly raise a great outcry if the capitalist class insisted upon us working on Sundays as well as the other six days. That would be seven-day exploitation of us. Let us have Sunday as a day of rest at least. I hope this motion will not prevail.
DEL. JORGENSEN: I believe we should not meet on Sunday.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment to the motion is that we meet to-morrow morning at nine o’clock. Those in favor—
DEL. MOYER: I want to make a further statement as chairman of the Committee on Constitution. I ask whether or not Brother Shurtleff has been appointed on the Constitution Committee and will be allowed to sit unless appointed by the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: Brother Shurtleff has not been appointed to the Constitution Committee. The motion was that the delegation select a member to work on that committee.
DEL. MOYER: Why not submit it to the convention, so that it can be acted on before adjournment? Suppose we adjourn till Monday morning at ten o’clock. While I am on the floor I want to say to the convention that the Constitution Committee at its last session permitted the chairman to fill out the committee in case they did not report at this day’s session. We feel that we should have a full Committee on Constitution and not fail to report, so we ask the convention to permit the Chairman to fill out that committee so that we may work this afternoon and evening and tomorrow so as to be able if possible to make a report to this convention Monday morning.
DEL. DE LEON: I desire information. The rules under which we work authorize the various groups to appoint their representatives on the various committees. My group appointed Thomas Powers, but Powers has been taken sick and is lying in bed, and my group has appointed me as a substitute. I desire to know whether Brother Moyer would consider me entitled to sit on that committee, and if he does not, whether this convention should pass on that.
DEL. MOYER: I did not hear you.
DEL. DE LEON: The question that was asked with regard to Delegate Shurtleff raises a doubt in my mind whether you would recognize me as entitled to a seat on your committee, since our group originally appointed Delegate Powers. Now, Delegate Powers has been taken sick and my group has appointed me as his substitute.
DEL. MOYER: I believe that the convention has acted on your appointment.
DEL. DE LEON: All right. I simply put the question.
DEL. MOYER: The convention acted on the appointment as they have on the appointment of other members of this committee.
DEL. DE LEON: Then has the convention acted on my appointment?
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. I would ask that the International Musical Union make their appointment before the adjournment of the convention.
DEL. COATES: That raises a point. Has the International Musical Union been seated or recognized in this convention?
THE CHAIRMAN: I think not, only inasmuch as it is recognized as a part of the American Labor Union.
DEL. COATES: Then that is satisfactory. I wanted to make it clear I haven’t any objection particularly to anybody going on these committees, not a single solitary soul, if any organization wants to be recognized that has not been recognized particularly by this convention. I have not heard any credentials read here from the International Musical organization. I rather think, however, I remember that a musical organization from Chicago has been given one vote. That is not a group. They simply come under the individual organizations.
THE CHAIRMAN: The International Musical Union is not here as an organization prepared to install, but only as a component part of the American Labor Union. It has no individual representation on that committee except through the American Labor Union group.
DEL. COATES: Is there any doubt that that is the only way it is here?
THE CHAIRMAN: I presume that is the way.
DEL. COATES: The Secretary, I presume, must have a record. Isn’t it true that that is the way?
THE SECRETARY: Yes, that is true.
DEL. COATES: Then there is no question about it.
The amendment to adjourn until Sunday morning was lost, and the convention then adjourned until Monday morning at nine o’clock.