The present era in world history is that of imperialism, the development of capitalism to its highest stage.
In this era the world moves forward as a process determined by developments within four fundamental contradictions, as well as by the interaction among them. These four fundamental contradictions are:
1) the contradictions between the imperialist countries and the oppressed nations and peoples; the most important of these at present are the contradictions between the superpowers – the US and the USSR – and the oppressed nations and peoples of the Third World.
2) the contradictions among the imperialist powers, including the social-imperialist USSR; the most important of these at present is between the US and the USSR.
3) the contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the capitalist (including revisionist) countries, and in the socialist countries.
4) the contradiction between the imperialist countries and the socialist countries; at present these contradictions are mainly manifest in the occupation of Taiwan and southern Korea by the United States, and in threats on Albania and China by the Soviet Union.
These four contradictions are present at all times in the era of imperialism, but at certain stages one or another may become predominant. As the major imperialist powers struggle to exploit and oppress various countries, they divide the world among themselves, each one seeking to protect its interests in its own domain and to expand into the domains of the others. This creates a continual struggle for the re-division of the world, eventually leading to wars of aggression between the imperialist powers. At the same time, peoples of the imperialized areas attempt to throw off their exploiters by engaging in wars of national liberation. Within the imperialist and capitalist countries, meanwhile, the fundamental contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie leads to revolutionary wars. As a result, the imperialist era is characterized by three types of war: wars of imperialist re-division, wars of national liberation, and proletarian revolutions. The outbreak of any of these wars is a result of developments in and/or among the four fundamental contradictions, and indicates which of them are predominant at a particular time.
By investigating the concrete conditions within and between countries in the world today, Marxist-Leninists can determine the specific relationship between the four fundamental contradictions at the present time, and from this can determine the principal contradiction on a world scale. Having identified the principal contradiction, communists must then develop and apply the international strategy which most effectively resolves it, and through its resolution advances the resolution of all four fundamental contradictions and the defeat of the imperialist system as a whole.
The world is currently divided into three main groups of countries and nations, or three “worlds.” The First World consists of the imperialist superpowers, which seek hegemony on a global scale. The Third World is composed of countries which have recently emerged from colonialism, whose main task is to obtain or consolidate national liberation, and who are in the process of developing. The Second World is made up of the developed capitalist countries between the two, some of which act as exploiters and oppressors of certain Third World countries, and all of which are exploited and oppressed themselves by the First World countries.
Today there are only two countries capable of seeking hegemony on a world scale – the United States and the Soviet Union – and these are therefore known as the superpowers. Their continuing efforts to bring all peoples, nations and countries of both the Second and Third Worlds under their control makes them the main enemies of the peoples of the world, and it is against both of them that the main blow at the international level must be dealt. The United States grew up as a superpower after the Second World War, taking advantage of the weakness of other imperialist countries to move into their former colonies. During the two decades following the war the US was the most dangerous enemy of the world’s people. In recent years, however, the Soviet Union has become the more aggressive superpower, having gone through a process of degeneration from a socialist country to a capitalist and then an imperialist state. Arriving late on the scene, the Soviet Union found the world already divided among the other imperialist countries. It has had therefore to resort to adventurism in order to acquire colonial-type possessions. The Soviet Union today is the most dangerous source of war. It is a militaristic state that must be stripped of its "socialist" mask and exposed as the warmonger it is.
The Second World includes such countries as France, Belgium, Poland, Bulgaria, Australia, Japan, and Canada. Although these are advanced capitalist states, most of which have varying amounts of imperialist investment abroad, they are not all imperialist countries. The relationship of some to the imperialist system is primarily that of victims rather than that of beneficiaries. This distinction is significant because the bourgeoisie in an imperialized Second World country, under pressure from the superpowers on the one hand and the Third World on the other, will subordinate its independence to one or the other superpower. The bourgeoisie in an imperialist Second World Country, by contrast, will – for the sake of its own survival as an independent power – likely seek accommodation with the Third World and oppose the superpowers.
The majority of peoples, nations, and countries belong to the Third World. This includes colonies such as Namibia; neo-colonies such as Panama which have nominal independence but remain under the thumb of an imperialist country; independent countries such as Argentina; countries completely liberated from imperialist domination such as Kampuchea; and the socialist countries. All of these countries are characterized by their need to oppose imperialism, particularly on the part of the superpowers, by their desire to establish and maintain national independence, and by their determination to achieve economic development.
What is the specific relationship among the four fundamental contradictions in the world today? All four fundamental contradictions develop and interact to determine the process of world development in the era of imperialism, but of the four it is the contradiction between the imperialist countries and the oppressed nations and peoples that is predominant at present. Another important contradiction, however, is that among the imperialist countries themselves. This relationship, between these two of the four fundamental contradictions, produces a principal contradiction, which is the contradiction between the First World superpowers on the one hand and all those forces opposing them – including peoples, nations, and countries in all three worlds – on the other. The main force in opposition to the First World is the Third World, on the basis of the revolutionary struggles of its peoples. A variety of potential allies up to and including Second World imperialist countries also have an objective interest in opposing the superpowers and may be mobilized in the struggle.
In what way will the resolution of this principal contradiction advance the resolution of the four fundamental contradictions? The defeat of the superpowers will fragment the imperialist system, liberating enormous numbers of people, nations, and countries from American and Soviet domination. The process of this defeat will accelerate dramatically the prospects for revolution in all three worlds. Some countries will become liberated nations, new democracies, and proletarian dictatorships immediately, while others will be in a position to proceed directly to the accomplishment of one or another of these revolutions according to their stage of development.
The defeat of one superpower by the other, in contrast, would not qualitatively weaken the imperialist system and therefore would not constitute a resolution of the principal contradiction. Similarly, the defeat of both superpowers through the emergence of a new superpower would not fundamentally change the imperialist system and would not therefore represent a resolution of the principal contradiction. It is only the defeat of both superpowers by all those forces opposed to them, and in turn the precipitation of revolutions around the world, which will prevent the rise of any new superpower. This resolution of the principal contradiction will advance the resolution of the four fundamental contradictions of the imperialist era.
Having determined the principal contradiction in their own countries and the principal contradiction on a world scale, Marxist-Leninists must develop strategy and tactics which successfully resolve both. The first priority is the national revolution. It is the defeat of the domestic ruling class which represents the best contribution communists can make to the international revolution. At the same time as communists wage this struggle in their own countries, however, they must participate in the class struggle on a world scale.
The most effective strategy for defeating the imperialist system is to combine national liberation struggles, new democratic revolutions, and proletarian revolutions with the building of a broad united front of all forces in all three worlds who are opposed to the US and USSR. The basis for this strategy lies in the particular alignment of class forces in the world today. The international proletariat, oppressed nations, and peoples, are struggling for revolution against the bourgeois and feudal ruling classes in all three worlds. This has created a situation of struggle between the revolutionary forces and the bourgeois and feudal classes in the First, Second, and Third Worlds. Simultaneously, however, the bourgeois and feudal classes in the Second and Third Worlds are fighting to preserve their independence from the superpowers. This situation has created a basis for unity against the superpowers between the revolutionary forces of all three worlds and the bourgeois and feudal classes in the Second and Third Worlds. Such a relationship of struggle and unity among all forces in the world opposed to the superpowers provides the condition for the building of a united front.
The building of a united front against the superpowers does not mean the liquidation of revolution in the Second and Third Worlds. On the contrary, as long as the principal contradiction within a Second or Third World country does not change, the immediate task of communists is the resolution of this contradiction within their own country. It is precisely the achievement of a revolution that can best contribute to the united front, because independent, new democratic, and socialist countries are the most resolute opponents of the superpowers. A revolution in any particular country or nation, however, may not be achievable prior to the outbreak of a third world war, or, even if achieved, will not necessarily prevent war.
Communists, therefore, in addition to making revolution in their own countries, must also mobilize the peoples of the world to participate immediately in the united front, and in so doing pressure their own bourgeoisies to take a stand against the superpowers. Such combined opposition of peoples and countries undermines the superpowers’ capacity to wage a war of imperialist re-division. The united front thereby serves both to delay war and thus provide time for the achievement of revolution, and to unify the resistance of the revolutionary and progressive forces and thus enable them to defeat the superpowers.
At the present time the united front is not a sharply defined alliance to which countries sign allegiance and then act in concert in a clearly delineated battle against a common enemy. Rather, it is a summation of all the forces in opposition to the superpowers at any one time. The people in the Third World countries who are engaged in national liberation struggles are consistent members of the united front. Some countries of the Third World – particularly the socialist countries – are also consistent members of the united front. The proletariat and its allies who are struggling for socialist revolution in each country are further consistent members of the front. Of the inconsistent members, there are forces ranging from Third World reactionary regimes to Second World imperialist countries which at one time or another, for numerous reasons, objectively oppose the superpowers. Marxist-Leninists must distinguish between the positive and the negative in the actions of feudal and bourgeois classes, supporting these enemies to the extent that they oppose the superpowers, yet fundamentally opposing them in their exploitation and oppression of other people – even when such actions oppose the superpowers. Within the united front, communists must maintain their organizational independence and revolutionary initiative, applying a strategy and tactics which most effectively resolve the principal contradiction at the national and international levels and thus precipitate, the defeat of the entire imperialist system.
In a situation when war becomes imminent and the principal contradiction on a world scale develops into the principal contradiction in most countries, the united front must be consolidated into a defensive alliance. In countries where a) the contradiction between the superpowers and all internal classes is definitely principal, and b) the national ruling class has been pressured to oppose the superpowers, the revolutionary forces should subordinate their struggle against the national ruling class to the struggle against the greater enemy – the superpowers. In this way the united front can make maximum use of contradictions among the enemy, uniting with secondary enemies to strike the main blow at the main enemies, rather than having to fight all enemies simultaneously. Communists must strive to establish proletarian leadership in the united front so that, with the defeat of the superpowers, the revolutionary forces can proceed directly to national liberation, new democratic revolution, or proletarian revolution. In this way the tactic of the united front serves as a powerful weapon in the strategy of defeating the superpowers, which is the most effective way of advancing the objective of defeating the entire imperialist system.
Marxist-Leninists must at all times carefully examine the relationship between the principal contradiction in their own countries and the principal contradiction in the world. The goal of communists is always proletarian revolution, but the correct means of achieving this goal varies from country to country and differs in times of peace and war.
In Canada, for example, the principal contradiction is between the Canadian bourgeoisie and US imperialism on the one hand and the Canadian proletariat on the other, and the immediate objective is socialist revolution. While US imperialism is an internal force and as such is part of the principal contradiction in this country, the Soviet Union is an external force and therefore is not. The principal contradiction in Canada and the principal contradiction in the world, accordingly, are separate. Would this change during a war? In the event of an imperialist war, the United States would drag Canada into the conflict, pressuring the Canadian bourgeoisie to deploy Canadian troops as cannon fodder for US imperialism and to reorganize production to help supply the American war effort. This would not change the principal contradiction in Canada. The task of Marxist-Leninists would be to lead the proletariat in sabotaging the war effort, still calling for a proletarian revolution against the Canadian bourgeoisie and US imperialism, and urging communists in other countries whose participation in the war is as imperialist aggressors to do the same.
What does this mean in terms of Canadian participation in the united front against the superpowers? At present, the Canadian bourgeoisie does contribute in a minimal way to the extent that it opposes both superpowers on such issues as the right of countries to a 200-mile territorial limit offshore. In the event of war, however, the Canadian bourgeoisie will remain fundamentally allied with the American superpower, thus excluding itself from the united front. The Canadian proletariat, on the other hand, has a definite interest in the building of a united front which could weaken the superpowers’ capacity to initiate a third world war. An outbreak of imperialist hostilities would create needless hardship for the Canadian working class, posing yet another obstacle in its struggle for socialism and communism. For this reason, Canadian Marxist-Leninists must rally the proletariat and its allies in support of the united front, and use this popular support to minimize the Canadian bourgeoisie’s participation, in alliance with the US, in a third world war.
In Europe, the principal contradiction in most countries is between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and the immediate objective is proletarian revolution. In the event of a war in which the participation of European countries is imperialist, this alignment of class forces will remain the same. If, however, the European countries are weakened by a) superpower contention throughout the world and over Europe itself in particular, b) revolutionary pressure from the proletariat in Europe, and c) anti-imperialist struggles in the Third World, then the involvement of these countries in a third world war may be in the form of defence of national independence and not of imperialist aggression. In such a situation there would be a basis for unity between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie of Europe against the greater enemy – the superpowers. Given these alternative possibilities, the tasks of European Marxist-Leninists are: to wage the immediate struggle for proletarian revolution in their own countries, yet at the same time help to build the united front against the superpowers. If war becomes imminent, Marxist-Leninists must determine the character of the war. If the involvement of the European countries is imperialist, it will be necessary to continue to struggle for proletarian revolution. If, on the other hand, the involvement of the European countries is one of self defense, communists must subordinate the struggle against the bourgeoisie to the struggle against the superpowers by consolidating the united front and striving to exercise proletarian leadership in it, in order to resist and ultimately to defeat the US and the USSR. The proletariat must then proceed from the defeat of the superpowers to the defeat of the national bourgeoisie through proletarian revolution.
In the Third World, communists must pursue a similar policy of waging the immediate struggle to resolve the principal contradiction in their countries yet at the same time must contribute to the resolution of the principal contradiction at the international level. In most countries this takes the form of engaging in revolutionary struggle against the feudal or bourgeois ruling class and, simultaneously, putting pressure on it to take actions against the superpowers. This combination of unity and struggle within the united front is already achieving successes in the form of national liberation in some cases, economic and diplomatic setbacks to the superpowers in others, and a growing unity of the Third World in general. In time of war the situation in Third World countries will vary. In some cases the struggle for national liberation and socialism may remain principal. In the majority, superpower contention will become the predominant internal factor, necessitating a revolutionary struggle against the superpowers, to be directly followed by the defeat of the domestic ruling class.
As part of the Third World, the socialist countries will continue to provide leadership, exercising proletarian internationalism through direct support for revolutionary struggles around the globe. To advance the prospects for success in these struggles, China is actively engaging in the building of the united front against the superpowers. Albania, on the other hand, has rejected the Three Worlds analysis and the tactic of the united front. To determine the reasons for this difference and its consequences in practice, communists must examine closely the positions of the two countries, investigating both their internal and external policies on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism.
The foregoing analysis of the situation in the world today produces the following international tasks for Canadian Marxist-Leninists:
1) to support the national liberation struggles of the peoples and nations of the Third World.
2) to support the proletarian revolutionary struggles in the First and Second Worlds and in those countries of the Third World that have achieved their national liberation and are advancing to socialism.
3) to help build the world united front against the superpowers, mobilizing all the forces that oppose the US and USSR, including Second and Third World countries.
4) to inform the Canadian proletariat of the growing danger of war, expose the imperialist nature of such a war, and prepare the working class to resist it actively.
5) to defend the socialist countries by educating the Canadian people concerning the kind of society they represent, by refuting counterrevolutionary slanders against them, and by assisting them through whatever means available against the imperialist system.
These actions weaken the imperialist system as a whole and thereby strengthen the proletarian forces in every country, including Canada.